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아산정책연구원 국제포럼 기조연설<영문>

  • 작성자 : 김진옥
  • 등록일 : 2008.10.01
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I. Celebrating the AIPS and the IISS

Dr. Han Sung-joo, Chairman of the Asan Institute for Policy Studies (AIPS),
Dr. John Chipman, Director-General of the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS),
Distinguished participants,
Ladies and gentlemen,

I am very pleased to be here today at the behest of two critically important institutes: the newly-formed AIPS which has all of the hallmarks of becoming Korea’s leading-edge think tank on global issues and the IISS – the world’s premier research institute on international security affairs. I would like to thank Chairman Han Sung-joo and AIPS for their kind invitation.

When the IISS was founded in 1958 to “further the study of strategy and security as a whole,” the Cold War was intensifying in the heartlands of Europe and Asia. Unsurprisingly, managing more stable and predictable East-West relations in the nuclear age consumed the lion’s share of the IISS’ initial efforts.

By the 1980s, however, the IISS began to expand and deepen its linkages with other key regions, notably but not exclusively, vis-à-vis the Asia-Pacific. Some of the most pioneering strategic thinkers and matching policy and political leaders benefited from, and also contributed to, the IISS’ mandate over the past half century.

In the post-Cold War and post-9/11 era, the IISS has truly become global as evinced not only by the “Shangri-La Dialogue” in this part of the world, but also through such ground-breaking forums as the “Manama Dialogue” on the Middle East. On the other hand, the AIPS, founded only in early this year, has been unusually active, having already had four important foreign policy roundtables and meetings, attracting many world-renowned experts on regional, international as well as human security. I am certain that the partnership between the AIPS and the IISS will result in a new synergy of ideas, concepts, and strategies as we jointly chart a strategic roadmap for the 21st century.

In celebrating the IISS’ fifty-year journey and the inauguration of the AIPS, I am also reminded of Korea’s own historic odyssey. This year, the Republic of Korea celebrated two major events: the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Republic and the inauguration of the Lee Myung-bak Administration. Consider for a moment how much has transpired over the past 60 years.

Imagine if we were transported back to 1958 – the year the IISS was founded. Korea was shell-shocked and devastated from a brutal war. Endemic poverty permeated at all levels of society and Korea had no modern industry with just a handful of friends in the international community. Had anyone of us predicted back then on Korea’s place in the world in the early 21st century, they would have been laughed out of the room.

Today, Korea is the world’s 13th largest economy, the world’s third largest producer of intellectual patents, and a global provider of cutting-edge IT products and services. Shipbuilding, automobile, steel products, petro-chemical, refinery, electronics, just to name a few, are world-class industries. The FTSE global equity index just upgraded Korea as an advanced economy.

In addition to that, at the center of international politics and global development, a Korean, Mr. Ban Ki-moon is playing a vital role as the 8th Secretary-General of the United Nations.

II. Asia’s Rise and Co-Managing Asian Transitions

Ladies and gentlemen,

The major theme for this conference is entitled “Korea in the Emerging Asian Power Balance.” As the last Cold War frontier, this subject goes well beyond academic discourse for the Republic of Korea. How we craft Korea’s national strategy and corresponding forays into the international system cannot but have critical ramifications for the Korean Peninsula, East Asia, and indeed, for global stability and prosperity.

Consonant with Asia’s rise as one of the world’s three core pillars, the regional strategic balance is being tested as never before. For the first time in modern history, three of Greater Asia’s major powers – China, Japan, and India – are simultaneously sharing the stage.

This has created new opportunities but also challenges for the world-at-large but especially for Asia’s strategically consequential states. Japan, China, India, ASEAN, and Korea together account for over 40% of world’s GDP. The Chinese and Indian markets, even with on-going fluctuations in the global financial system, continue to attract FDI and buyers across the world. Leading Asian products, intensifying entrepreneurship, and accelerated globalization of Asia’s most educated generation are changing the face of Asian and, in many respects, global commerce.
Fortuitously for the world and for Asia, the struggle for dominance which symbolized much of Asia’s turbulent journey over the last century, has been replaced largely with growing intra-regional trade and an incipient East Asian community.

While not nearly as advanced as Europe’s, Asia’s growing multilateral institutions and cooperative regimes such as the ASEAN Regional Forum, the ASEAN Plus Three, APEC, ASEM and the East Asian Summit, all attest to the building of new norms, principles, and practices in Greater Asia.

Yet this very region is home to many of the world’s most brittle traditional and non-traditional security threats. Clearly, guns in Asia have been silent since the culmination of the Vietnamese War in 1975. And despite major power competition, prospects for direct, inter-state war in Asia or, for that matter, in other regions, have never been as low as they are today.

But East Asia is arguably the new fulcrum of global strategic competition. Three of the world’s five declared nuclear powers have direct strategic interests and presences in Northeast Asia. The world’s newest nuclear proliferator, namely North Korea, continues to test strategic stability on the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia. Five of the world’s largest standing armies all reside in Asia. Many of the regional actors are investing in new power projection capabilities.

While this trend is not synonymous with a classical arms race, ensuring the prevention of new security dilemmas in East Asia is the sine qua non of regional security in the early phases of our new century.

On other issues, some scholars argue that Asian democracy today is at bay based on widening democracy deficits, differing shades of authoritarianism, gross abuse of human rights and human dignity in select countries, and the rise of ultra-nationalism.

Thus, notwithstanding Asia’s unparalleled economic progress over the past three decades, growing democratization and the rule of law as well as the rise to the fore of vibrant civil societies, co-managing politics, security, and the economy in a bifurcated Asia demands bold, new approaches. And crucially important is the fact that if the world can no longer divorce itself from Asia, neither can Asia afford to extract itself from the world. The two are intertwined, and irreversibly so, by forces and interests that intersect, converge, multiply, and also diversify at all levels of the international system.
As a result, if we continue to cling to the status quo, I believe that Asia’s “economic miracle” cannot be sustained. Korea and major East Asian powers are key stakeholders. We have benefited tremendously and continue to do so from an open world economy.

Yet maintaining a liberal trade regime, a healthy global economy, preventing cascading financial crises, and addressing the plight of global hunger in the poorest economies substantially raise the bar for all members of the international community.

Specifically, the responsibilities for the wealthier states, including members of the OECD, are self-evident and will continue to increase in the years and decades to follow. Equally relevant, preventing and mitigating spill-over conflicts from border disputes and ethnic tensions, controlling and rolling back nuclear proliferation, and addressing a range of urgent human security challenges can’t be ignored or wished away.

This is what I mean by an Asia that is joined at the hips with the rest of the world: we cannot afford to be by-standers. We can only benefit from the international system if, and only if, we give back our fair share. Ensuring a more stable and predictable strategic balance in East Asia requires a “New Look” – or paradigm shifts within and amongst nations.

Thus, in a world marked by unprecedented progress but equally pervasive threats and challenges, we must not be afraid of change. Indeed, when called for, we must lead by example. When necessary, we must make difficult, often times, wrenching choices. When circumstances demand it, we must have the courage to go beyond myopic national interests.

III. “Global Korea” and the Lee Myung-bak Administration

Ladies and gentlemen,

The participants in this conference, individually and collectively, share two overriding missions: generating new solutions for outstanding global, regional, and national challenges and playing direct and indirect roles as critical change agents. For governments, the tasks are equally pertinent, if not more daunting.

President Lee Myung-bak assumed the presidency at a historical turning point for Korea and Asia. For the most part, although Korea continued to prosper over the past decade, it was also evident that business-as-usual could not prevail.
Many Koreans wanted change such as revitalizing the Korean economy and unleashing new opportunities for clean growth and shared-prosperity. They also wanted to upgrade Korea’s branding and standing in the world community. Koreans also wanted a more responsible, mutually-reinforcing inter-Korean relationship. President Lee answered these challenges and won the election with the widest margin since the restoration of democracy in 1987.

Over the course of the last six months, the government’s blueprints and major initiatives have been put on the table. As all of you are well aware, however, it has often been a bumpy ride.

We have learned some invaluable lessons but at the end of the day, I am also convinced that our democratic values, commitment to the rule of law, and active engagement with citizens from all walks of life are unshakable staples of a vibrant democratic society. We wouldn’t have it any other way. As British Prime Minister Winston Churchill reminded all of us, “democracies are the worst form of government, but the best among the worst.”

Over the course of the next four and a half years, however, this government remains committed to a range of critical reforms and new approaches including the all-important foreign policy arena and inter-Korean relations.
Our overall goal remains clear: ensuring the formation of a “Global Korea” or a fully-advanced, more responsible, and more open nation that positively shapes Asia and the global village to the greatest extent possible within the confines of its national capabilities. In this context, I would like to share with you the foreign policy cornerstones of the Lee Myung-bak Administration.

First, restoring confidence and outlining a new raison d’etre for the critical ROK-U.S. alliance. Over the past six months, three summit meetings have taken place between the leaders of our two nations. President Lee and President Bush agreed in April to forge a “Strategic Alliance for the 21st Century.” Bilateral ties have never been stronger but much more work needs to be done. Active consultations are underway at all levels in order to expedite the ratification of the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA).

Modernization of key deterrence assets in parallel with adjustments in the U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) is proceeding on schedule. Moreover, the alliance stands ready to meet a range of contingencies on the Korean Peninsula.

Second, expanding Korea’s “Asia Diplomacy” is a critical component of our government’s regional initiatives. Korea is an Asian power. Our destiny is inseparable with Asia’s. We believe that Korea is uniquely positioned to serve as a role model for developing states throughout Asia.

At once a traditional society with deeply ingrained historical legacies, Korea is also one of Asia’s most vibrant democracies. Korea’s role is not to impose our developmental path on our neighbors and friends. This is neither desirable nor even feasible. But I believe that the “Miracle on the Han River” demonstrates what a country can achieve with focused clean leadership, the pooling of human resources, and linkages with the outside world.

Our critical ties with our two major neighbors – China and Japan – need to be broadened and deepened. President Lee Myung-bak and President Hu Jintao agreed in August to upgrade Korea-China relations into a “Strategic Cooperative Partnership.” The bilateral economic relationship has continued to surge since normalization of their relationship in 1992. Koreans have “rediscovered” China after an absence of many decades. Likewise, an increasing number of Chinese students, corporate leaders, and officials at all levels of government are interacting with their counterparts in Korea.

Since the beginning of his administration, President Lee also emphasized the need for a new path in Korea-Japan relations. Our government is well aware of Japan’s leadership role as the world’s second largest economy. We continue to cooperate closely on a range of common issues including consultations through the Six Party Talks. Yet progress has been stymied by some stumbling blocks. Notwithstanding the need for strengthening this crucial bilateral relationship, our government also believes in the need for critical historical introspection. We are ready to move forward but as President Ronald Reagan always used to say, “it takes two to tango.” A mature, future-oriented, and historically correct Korean-Japanese partnership is a vital link towards a more stable and prosperous East Asia.

In this respect, we pay a particular attention to the address made by the new Japanese Prime Minister Aso Taro at the UN General Assembly a few days ago. He said “China and the Republic of Korea are each important partner for Japan, and countries with which Japan must seek to increase mutual benefits and shared interests. Japan must promote multilayered cooperation with both of these countries.”

Third, we remain fully committed to the peaceful and diplomatic resolution of the North Korean nuclear crisis through the Six Party Talks and excavating new opportunities in South-North relations. Lately, however, North Korea’s actions over a range of issues have been disappointing. The road towards nuclear disablement and dismantlement has been stalled by North Korea’s recent movements.

The government has crafted an inter-Korean policy based on mutual benefits and cooperation. We stand ready to provide a range of positive incentives to the North including humanitarian and energy assistance, but progress in South-North relations should proceed in parallel with concrete improvements in North Korea’s denuclearization. It is up to the North Korean leadership to decide the depth of interaction they want to forge with the South.

Patience is not only a virtue but a necessity in inter-Korean relations. We are mindful of the unique characteristics of South-North relations and the even more unique interplay of forces within North Korea. We look forward to forging a more stable and mutually beneficial relationship. Even as North Korea works out a range of complications at home and abroad, out commitment to the Six Party Talks and strengthening inter-Korean confidence building measures remains unchanged.

Fourth, a ‘Global Korea’ cannot be truly global without assuming our fair share of the common burden. Korea would not be where we are today were it not for the substantial flows of foreign aid, military assistance, trade incentives and educational opportunities it received throughout its formative years.

I just returned yesterday from a whirlwind tour of the United Nations where I addressed the 63rd Session of the General Assembly by informing that since 2000, our ODA has increased three times in volume with assistance to Africa increasing three-fold in the last three years. We also plan to triple our current ODA to reach over 3 billion US dollars by 2015 and, to better coordinate our development cooperation policy with the international community, we will join the OECD DAC in 2010.

Korea has provided humanitarian assistance to countries facing food crises and will offer, in addition to its assistance to North Korea, 100 million US dollars over the next 3 years for emergency food aid and for assistance to strengthen the agricultural capacities of developing nations. With first-hand knowledge and experience in agricultural development, Korea plans to assist in various areas, including farming infrastructure, technology and policy-making.

Our troops stood shoulder-to-shoulder with coalition and host-nation forces in the reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan. As I speak, a 350-strong Korean contingent is helping to keep the peace in Lebanon as part of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). In more ways than one, Korean security is no longer confined to defense and deterrence on the Korean Peninsula.

We are reviewing efforts to more effectively combating the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has to be strengthened as a cornerstone of the world’s non-proliferation regime. On the political front, Korean officials continue to provide election monitoring advice to those who want to study Korea’s accelerated democratization.

Standing at the mid-point to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) target year of 2015, we realize that in order to achieve what we pledged, we have to redouble our commitments to the MDGs. But political commitment alone is not enough. We need solid economic growth and a coherent strategy to translate our commitment into a reality.

While the rapid growth experiences of Korea has served as a useful reference for many developing countries, we should move beyond the conventional economic growth approach of ‘Grow Fast, Clean Up Later.’ At the time when climate change on which the future of humanity so critically depends is now looming larger than ever as a global challenge, what we need is a “Low Carbon, Green Growth.”

President Lee Myung-bak, in his address to the nation on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of Korea, recently embraced a vision of “Low Carbon, Green Growth,” as a new paradigm for Korea’s future development. We support the global vision of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 50% by 2050 and plan to announce next year our voluntary mid-term mitigation goal set for the year 2020. We are also launching the “East Asia Climate Partnership,” which will initiate programs in the amount of approximately 200 million US dollars over the next 5 years to support the countries in East Asia in making their economic growth compatible with climate change.

The government just announced 22 pilot “New Engine of Growth Industries” including solar and other alternate energy development, environmentally-friendly green cars, robotics, nano-technologies, bio-medical sciences, etc. Together with the private sector, we plan to invest nearly 100 billion US dollars through 2013. The Korean government strongly believes that “Green Growth” can serve as a new model for national development and international cooperation in the 21st century.

IV. New Horizons and New Paths

Ladies and gentlemen,

East Asia’s evolving power balance need not be marked by incessant struggles for dominance. Indeed, we have shown the world the remarkable resilience, fortitude, and development potential of East Asia over the past three to four decades. As Europe demonstrated through its postwar resurrection and the formation of the European Union (EU), the status quo is not for the light-hearted.

As much as no man is an island, no country can prosper in isolation. Once branded as the “Hermit Kingdom,” we know the costs of prolonged disconnection with the outside world. In an era of pervasive globalization and mega-networks, we are reminded constantly of the possibilities and perils of accelerated connectivity. For Korea, and the rest of East Asia, the key task lies in balancing the fruits from globalization and openness while ensuring the safety and prosperity for those who don’t reside in the “Flat World” but in valleys and forges.

In my lifetime, I could have never imagined Korea’s and East Asia’s remarkable transformations. From the backwaters of international commerce to leading global corporations, from seemingly pre-destined poverty to foreign aid donors, and from intensely nationalistic worldviews to multi-cultural prisms, the Korean odyssey is also Asia’s odyssey.

But for all of our collective achievements, we stand on the thresholds of challenges that defy easy solutions. Unbridled economic growth, intensifying energy competition, depletion of critical natural resources such as water, over-fishing and deforestation, are issues that we must jointly address. If the fruits of rapid industrialization have been enormous, so have the costs.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Allow me to close my remarks by emphasizing one critical point. Some commentators have spoken at length about the so-called failure of the West. It is wholly understandable that Asia and other regions should attain greater representation in international organizations and associated institutions. But let us not forget the manifold contributions of the West. They are, after all, world’s largest provider of foreign and humanitarian aid. They are, after all, supporters and practitioners of democracy, universal values, human rights, and the rights of women and children.

Korea has shown that Western values need not be mutually exclusive with traditional values, religions, and cultural traditions. The two can co-exist in a powerful synergy. This is perhaps one of Korea’s greatest gifts to the world – demonstrating its commitment to democratization, globalization, and openness even as it retains and honors Asian values. Korean democracy, like all democracies, is imperfect. Yet respecting human dignity, guaranteeing a liberal society, and listening to diverse voices and opinions cannot be wished away or ignored due to cultural or political exceptionalism.

By way of summary, allow me, ladies and gentlemen, to once again salute Dr. Han Sung-joo and the AIPS for co-hosting the “Korea Forum” with the IISS. The IISS under the leadership of Dr. John Chipman has paved the way for more innovative security cooperation and policies in an era of unparalleled challenges. And despite the “painful” annual fees that IISS members have to bear, including for those who are present here today, I am certain that it’s worth every pound.

On a more serious note, however, I am positive that the AIPS-IISS partnership through the “Korea Forum” will become a role model for intense security dialogues and over-the-horizon solutions.

As we embark earnestly on a new century, we are reminded of the indivisibility of global security and prosperity. All of us must contribute to realizing this vital mission since failure is not an option.

Thank you very much.